Tunisian Social Observatory – April–June 2026 Report

Tunisian Social Observatory 

April–June 2026 Report 

 

The rise of the protest movement: Field pressure and demonstrations… the primary means of expressing demands 

 

General Introduction  

The second quarter of 2026 ended with 1,884 social protests recorded, marking a 44% increase in the pace of protests compared to the first quarter of the same year, during which the country witnessed 1,310 protests.  

This figure also exceeds the total for the second quarter of 2025, which recorded 1,254 protests, representing an increase of nearly 50% 

Section 1: The Protest Movement  

  1. Monthly Trends in Protests  

Protests once again took an upward trajectory in June, with the Tunisian Social Observatory’s working group documenting 867 protests, compared to 413 in May and 604 in April.  

Consequently, June was the most turbulent month since the beginning of the year, given that the first quarter of the year saw 462 protests in March, 335 in February, and 501 in January.  

Calculating the monthly average, the first half of the year saw an average of approximately 532 protests per month, meaning that, with the exception of February, the remaining months fell within the overall average for the protest trend that characterized the first half of the year. This also confirms that protest has become a sustained mechanism for expressing demands, rather than merely a circumstantial reaction 

1.2 Social and Economic Interpretation of the Indicators  

Socially, this indicator reveals ongoing tensions within broad segments of society, particularly in light of continuing demands related to employment, the resolution of employment status issues, the payment of entitlements, and the improvement of working conditions. This means that a large number of citizens no longer view traditional administrative channels as an effective means of voicing their demands and have turned to protest as a legitimate tool for exerting pressure. The rise in the number of protests also indicates a decline in confidence in the ability of institutions to respond swiftly to social demands.  

Economically, the rise in protests reflects ongoing living pressures, foremost among them the erosion of purchasing power, the rising cost of living, the suspension of hiring, and delays in the payment of wages or benefits in some sectors. Furthermore, the escalation of protests reflects the continuing fragility of the labor market and the rise in protests linked to unemployment and precarious work, making economic factors the primary driver of social unrest in recent times.  

Politically, the figures indicate that the protest sphere remains one of the most important means of expressing general social and economic demands, as well as civil and political protests. This points to a broadening range of demands and confirms that the protest landscape has become more diverse in terms of both the actors involved and the issues raised. 

 

 

 

1.3 Comparison with Recent Years  

 

A comparison with recent years reveals a clear shift in the trend of protests:  

  • First quarter of 2025: 1,132 protests.  
  • Second quarter of 2025: 1,254 protests.  
  • Fourth quarter of 2025: 1,493 protests. 
  • First quarter of 2026: 1,310 protests.  
  • Second quarter of 2026: 1,884 protests. 

These figures also highlight that the pattern of protests has been on an upward trajectory since 2025, with the second quarter of 2026 marking a new surge, making it one of the most tense periods in recent years. Most likely, the 1,884 protests do not merely reflect a numerical increase but reveal persistent structural imbalances in social and economic conditions, alongside a growing tendency among various groups to turn to protest as a means of influence and pressure. If this trend continues for the remainder of the year, Tunisia is likely to see one of the highest levels of protest activity in years, compelling the authorities to address the underlying economic and social causes rather than merely managing their consequences. 

 

1.4 The spectrum of demands  

During the second quarter of the year, demands related to the right to employment continued to dominate the protests documented by the Tunisian Social Observatory, accounting for more than 64% of the total, These were linked to protests by unemployed degree holders who continue to press for the implementation of Law No. 18 of 2025, concerning exceptional provisions for the hiring of higher education graduates who have been unemployed for an extended period in the public sector and civil service. Protests by unemployed PhD holders and a sit-in by female graduates of the Carthage Dermesh Institute for Early Childhood Education, who are demanding the repeal of new criteria imposed by the Ministry of Women that do not align with the demands of the protesters—who have been unemployed for an extended period— as well as the payment of benefits and wages owed to workers at the Tataouine Environmental Company—which have been pending for three months—improving working conditions, regularizing their employment status, and opening a dialogue with the unions. Additionally, a three-day strike by employees and staff of banks and insurance companies—accompanied by the wearing of red armbands and a series of protest rallies—along with actions by lawyers, were major highlights of the second quarter of the year 

 

As in previous months, civil and political protests ranked second, accounting for about 20% of all documented protests; these were primarily linked to demands for release and condemnations of court rulings, where Mourad Zaghidy, supported by his sister Mariam Zaghidy and his daughter Inas Zaghidy, undertook an 11-day hunger strike; protest rallies called for the release of journalist Ziad Hani, Saadiya Mosbah, and those convicted in what is known as the “conspiracy case,” Protests were also organized calling for fair trials, guarantees of freedom of the press and expression, and an end to the criminalization of civic activism. The protests condemned the ongoing Zionist aggression against Palestinian territories and demanded the release of detained activists from the “Flotilla of Sumud”.  

Issues related to the right to a healthy environment ranked third, accounting for 7% of the total, and were largely linked to the problem of water shortages and frequent interruptions in drinking water supply that Tunisians have been experiencing for years.  Residents of Ruissat in the governorate of Kairouan continue to protest and demand that the authorities intervene to halt the catastrophic effects of environmental pollution caused by the “Sotacib” cement plant as a result of its use of petroleum coke. Problems with gas leaks, air and marine pollution, and soil contamination persist in the governorate of Gabès as a result of industrial spills reported there. Residents also continue to protest, demanding a solution to the sewage problem that is polluting the land and the sea, while farmers are calling for access to irrigation water and better support for the agricultural sector.  

The second triad recorded protests demanding the right to health and better services in our public hospitals; the right to development, transportation, and mobility, as well as improved public services for citizens; the right to security, insurance, and protection; the right to quality education; and the right to freedom of opinion and expression. The Tunisian Social Observatory continues to monitor widespread dissatisfaction among Tunisians regarding rising prices, declining living standards, and the difficulty of meeting basic needs, as well as the deteriorating state of infrastructure. 

 

1.5 Geographic Distribution of Protests 

Tunis, reflecting its role as the center of decision-making, continued to rank first among the regions experiencing protest momentum during the second quarter of the year, where 470 protests took place, followed by the governorate of Gafsa with 142 protests, Kairouan in third place with 134 protests, then the governorate of Medenine with 98, Kasserine with 90 protests, Sfax with 77 protests, Nabeul with 77 protests, Manouba with 75 protests, Tozeur with 74 protests, Tataouine with 69 protests, Sousse with 65 protests, and Sidi Bouzid with 60 protests. Furthermore, all governorates of the Republic witnessed protest demonstrations during the first quarter of the year, with Zaghouan recording the lowest number at 24 demonstrations, El Kef and Ariana each recording 30 demonstrations, Siliana recording 31 demonstrations, and Mahdia recording 32 demonstrations 

 

1.6 Protests by Social Actor  

Salaried workers were the most active social actor during the current quarter of the year, participating in 594 protests, followed by activists, who organized 200 protests, and then residents, who took part in 182 protests, followed by public-sector doctors, who organized 169 protests, and then union members with 165 protests. Unemployed individuals with advanced degrees participated in 164 protests, and lawyers organized 102 protests, while the remaining protests were distributed among teachers, professors, hunger strikes by prisoners, farm workers, farmers, fishermen, the medical and paramedical sectors, public and private transportation drivers, students, merchants, and athletes. 

1.7 Forms of Protest and Channels Used  

Social activists used cyberspace as a platform to present their demands in approximately 19% of the documented actions and relied on statements and calls for help posted on social media or through the media as a channel to make their voices heard and to protest or make demands. Meanwhile, on-the-ground protests accounted for 81% of the recorded actions. During these, social activists organized protest rallies in 534 instances, chose to wear red armbands on 437 occasions, staged sit-ins on 235 occasions, and went on strike in 122 instances, and resorted to hunger strikes in 69 of the protests recorded during the second quarter of the year. During the same period, 38 peaceful marches were organized, activities were disrupted on 62 occasions, and other forms of protest were employed, such as roadblocks, burning tires, threats to stop work, marches toward the capital, and “days of rage.”  

The streets remain the primary venue where social activists go to express their demands, as this space remains relatively open to peaceful mobilization and demonstration. It should be noted, however, that this margin of freedom varies geographically and by sector, and that fears of legal prosecution as a result of protesting persist. 

1.8 Stakeholders  

Note: The President of the Republic or the Office of the President was no longer a point of contact for the social actor during the second quarter of the current year, as it was completely absent from the list of “stakeholders,” Instead, in more than 95% of the actions undertaken, social actors directed their efforts toward official authorities in their various forms, ranging from the Office of the Prime Minister to regional authorities, ministries, municipalities, and governors. The remaining demands were directed at judicial authorities, employers, the Gafsa Phosphate Company, and the National Water Distribution Company. 

 

Section 2 : Suicide  

2.1 General Data  

The second quarter witnessed 19 cases and attempted suicides, 16 of whom were male and 3 female, the majority of whom belonged to the working-age population, ranging from young adults to middle-aged adults. Meanwhile, two children took their own lives during the period in question; the first was 16 years old and the second was 14 years old. 

 

2.2  Monthly Distribution  

April recorded 7 suicides and suicide attempts, while May recorded 5 suicides, and June recorded 7 suicides and suicide attempts. 

 

2.3 Spaces of Action 

The actor chose to harm himself on 10 occasions within a private space—his home— whereas in the remaining cases, the suicide attempts were performative, intended to draw attention or protest economic and social conditions. The perpetrator chose public spaces on 6 occasions, and the remaining suicide attempts took place in hospitals, municipal offices, and educational institutions. 

 

2.4 Cases Linked to Homicides 

On two occasions, suicide was linked to homicides: in one case, a young man killed himself after murdering his stepmother, and in another, a young man set his girlfriend on fire and then set himself on fire after she refused to marry him. 

 

2.5 Analytical Review and Recommendations 

In general, reported cases and attempts at suicide reflect escalating feelings of anger, rejection, helplessness, and insecurity—both on a psychological level and in relation to the economic and social realities individuals face. These documented acts cannot be interpreted as isolated individual decisions; rather, they are often indicators of structural imbalances affecting social protection systems, mental health care, and opportunities for a dignified life. The most vulnerable individuals, those burdened by unemployment, poverty, social isolation, or family and psychological crises, find themselves facing circumstances that exceed their capacity to cope. Consequently, self-harm or attempts to end one’s life become a means of expressing despair and a silent protest against a reality in which they feel marginalized and without hope. From this perspective, cases of suicide and suicide attempts serve as a wake-up call to strengthen prevention policies, expand psychological and social support services, and address the deep-rooted economic and social causes that drive vulnerable groups toward this tragic choice. 

 

Section 3: Violence  

3.1 Types of Violence  

Monitoring data for the second quarter of the year confirmed that violence is not limited to a single form or specific sphere but has become a multidimensional phenomenon spanning the various patterns tracked by the Tunisian Social Observatory, reflecting the widening scope of violence within society and the interplay of the actors and contexts that give rise to it. Physical violence accounted for the largest share of all monitored cases (46.7%), indicating an escalation in the use of direct harm as a means of resolving conflicts or asserting control amid growing social and economic tensions. Financial violence accounted for 17.8%, reflecting mounting economic pressures and the resulting practices based on extortion, deprivation of resources, or economic exploitation.  

In contrast, institutional violence accounted for 11.2%, a figure that raises questions about individuals’ relationships with institutions and the extent to which rights are respected and access to services and justice is guaranteed. At the same time, gender-based violence accounted for the same percentage—11.2%—which confirms the persistence of social and cultural structures based on discrimination that generate violence against women and girls; despite improvements in the legal framework, women and girls continue to be targeted.  

Cases of domestic violence (6.5%), sexual violence (1.9%), and cyberviolence (1.9%) were reported; these forms of violence are likely underreported given the limited reporting and fear of social stigma, especially when it comes to violence occurring within the private and family sphere. 

 

3.2 Other Patterns and Intersections of Violence 

 

The period also saw cases of political violence, organized or structural violence linked to state practices, cultural violence, and protest-related violence. The data also show that many incidents do not fall under a single form of violence but rather involve multiple intersecting patterns, such as physical violence combined with institutional, economic, or gender-based violence, which compounds the harm inflicted on victims, exacerbates the severity of the violations, and complicates their psychological, social, and economic consequences. 

3.3 The Criminal Nature of Violence  

General indicators from the documentation of violent incidents during the second quarter of the year show that 72.9% of violent incidents were criminal in nature. This reflects the growing use of violence as a means of resolving conflicts or exerting influence outside legal frameworks, in a context marked by increasing social and economic fragility, a declining sense of security, and the weakness of prevention and early intervention mechanisms. This makes violence a phenomenon that transcends individual acts to touch upon deeper imbalances in the social and institutional fabric. 

 

3.4 Violence: Geographic Distribution and Gender  

During the second quarter of the year, the governorates of Nabeul, Tunis, and Sousse recorded the highest rates of violence. Men accounted for 82% of the perpetrators, while 14% of the violence was perpetrated by both men and women, and about 4% was perpetrated by women. Men were the victims of violent assaults in about 47% of the incidents recorded, while women accounted for 25% of the victims, and 28% of the violence was perpetrated by both men and women. 

 

3.5 Spaces of Violence  

Spaces of violence included both private and public spaces—such as homes, educational institutions, workplaces, public transportation, mosques, and tourist and recreational venues—as well as the virtual space, which has become a setting for the production and reproduction of violence in all its forms and types, and a venue for public shaming, defamation, and abuse of others. 

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