Tunisian Social Observatory: November 2025 Report
From Social Demands to Demands for Freedom: The Reorganization of the Protest Movement
November 2025, marked by a surge in civil and political movements, ended with 589 social movements recorded. This represents an increase of approximately 80% compared to the same period last year, when 330 movements were recorded.
Since the beginning of the year, the total number of demonstrations has reached 4,838, compared to 2,638 last year, an increase of 83.4%.
Exceptionally, the report notes an unprecedented qualitative shift: demonstrations concerning civil and political rights now surpass those related to economic and social rights. In November, such mobilizations accounted for 43.46% of all movements recorded by the Tunisian Social Observatory of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights, compared to 39.9% for demands related to the right to employment.
Overall, the demands expressed during November reflect a deep sense of distress, injustice, fear, and insecurity, partly fueled by the threat posed by judicial proceedings to fundamental rights and freedoms.
At the end of November 2025, the Tunis Court of Appeal handed down prison sentences ranging from 5 to 45 years against several political opponents in the case known as the “conspiracy” affair. These sentences were confirmed on November 29, the same day authorities arrested human rights activist and political figure Chaima Issa while she was participating in the march titled “For Freedom, Against the Suspension of Associations, Against Tyranny”. She was sentenced to twenty years in prison.
This arrest was followed on December 2 by the detention of lawyer and political opponent Ayachi Hammami for the execution of a five-year prison sentence, and on December 4 by the arrest of politician Ahmed Najib Chebbi, sentenced to twelve years in prison.
These events marked a qualitative turning point in the evolution of the conflict, now focused on the demand for full citizenship. They also reinforced the image of a punitive state toward those who challenge its official narrative.
The month was also characterized by a series of trials for opinion-related offenses targeting lawyers, journalists, and trade unionists. Additionally, new restrictions were imposed on civil society organizations, media outlets, and freedom of expression, notably through the one-month suspension of activities of numerous associations. Among them were the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women, the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights, the websites Nawaat and Inkyfada, as well as the office of the World Organization Against Torture.
These measures were strongly criticized by both national and international human rights organizations, which denounced the use of the justice system as a tool to repress civil and public space. Several international reports also highlighted the use of legal provisions such as the anti-terrorism law, the statutes on crimes against national security, and Decree 54 on cybercrime to restrict freedom of expression and limit the rights to assembly and association.
During the same month, journalist and lawyer Sonia Dahmani was released on bail, while remaining under prosecution in other cases related to her statements and positions. Meanwhile, Mostafa Jamali and Abdelrazak Krimi were released on November 24, after having been sentenced to two years in prison, with part of the sentence suspended, in the case of the Tunisian Council for Refugees, in connection with their civic activities.
On November 22, the capital hosted a large-scale demonstration bringing together various political, civil, and humanitarian forces, at the initiative of a youth collective called “Against Injustice and Oppression.” According to their statement, this mobilization was intended as “a peaceful civil and political movement expressing a collective rejection of injustice in all its forms and calling for the restoration of public space as a place of participation, responsibility, and freedom of expression.”
During November, 111 movements were organized to reject or denounce judicial decisions, while 90 demonstrations took place to contest an administrative or political decision. In addition, protest actors participated in 33 movements in support of a person and 19 demonstrations denouncing a political stance.
Demands for the right to employment were also very prominent during the month. Actions led by unemployed university graduates increased, often coinciding with debates on the Finance Law within the Assembly of the Representatives of the People, particularly during the examination of Article 57, which focuses on the employment of long-term unemployed individuals.
Mobilizations also targeted the improvement of working conditions, the regularization of professional situations, the formalization and implementation of pending agreements, as well as issues related to wages and financial allowances. Several movements additionally denounced unjustified dismissals.
Environmental demands accounted for 6.28% of all recorded movements. One-third of these actions were registered in the Gabès governorate, linked to the persistent deterioration of the environmental situation and gas leaks from the Tunisian chemical complex, which caused several cases of asphyxiation among schoolchildren and residents.
Other governorates — Kairouan, Siliana, Kasserine, Bizerte, Nabeul, and Beja — also experienced mobilizations calling for access to drinking water, the provision of irrigation water, the closure of illegal dumps, the remediation of wastewater-related damage, as well as solutions to marine pollution and challenges in the fishing sector.
Additionally, Jawhar Ben Mbarek conducted a 33-day hunger strike, supported by several prisoners involved in the so-called “conspiracy” case. This action aimed to protest against remote trials, considered a denial of the right to self-defense and direct court appearance.
Other actions focused on the right to development, freedom of movement, the right to education for students, and the right to health. According to observations, sit-ins were the most common form of protest in November, with 164 actions recorded. In addition, there were 90 days of general strikes, 87 days of hunger strikes, and 69 days of sectoral strikes. Cyberspace was also widely used, with 133 actions employing social media, digital platforms, or the press as means of expression and mobilization.
The month was further marked by 15 demonstrations featuring red armbands, strike threats, road blockages, two marches to the capital, as well as school boycotts denouncing the state of educational institutions. There were also intrusions into administrative institutions and tire-burning incidents.
From a geographical perspective, November saw a relative reshaping of the map of movements. The Tunis region remained the most active, with 135 movements, followed by the Manouba governorate (65), then Gafsa (50), Kasserine (35), and finally Bizerte, Tozeur, Sousse, and Gabès, each recording 22 movements. Medenine and Nabeul recorded 21 movements, Tataouine 19, Mahdia 18, and Le Kef 17. All governorates of the Republic experienced protest actions during the month, with the lowest levels recorded in Zaghouan (3 movements), Ariana (4), and Monastir (5).
During November, 101 actions were organized by activists. Students participated in 95 actions, while employees and workers took part in 117 mobilizations, and residents in 62. Trade unions conducted 47 actions, lawyers 40, unemployed university graduates 37, and journalists 24. Teachers and professors participated in 13 actions, and farmers in 12. The month was also marked by mobilizations involving pupils, parents, doctors, taxi drivers, shopkeepers, and bus drivers.
The places of mobilization were divided between virtual space, used 146 times, where actors relied on media and social networks to voice their demands, and physical space, through on-the-ground actions. These demonstrations took place in various settings, including universities, workplaces, prisons, roads, public spaces (notably Rue Habib Bourguiba, the Kasbah, and Bab Bnet), as well as in front of the presidential offices, ministries, administrative institutions, judicial institutions, and hospitals.
Based on the sample studied, November also saw a notable increase in cases and suicide attempts, with 12 cases recorded, compared to 5 in October.
During the month, five women and seven men committed acts of self-harm or attempted suicide. Among them were five children, three individuals over the age of sixty, and a young woman in her twenties, a content creator. The remaining cases involved individuals aged forty to fifty.
The situations recorded illustrate the diversity and severity of the contexts. A street vendor self-immolated in downtown Gafsa. A woman committed suicide in the Bir Ali Ben Khalifa area of the Sfax governorate, in reaction to alleged mistreatment by her son. Two schoolgirls ingested pesticide to end their social and school lives. A fourteen-year-old girl hanged herself in her family home. A content creator attempted suicide in prison. Three elderly individuals ended their lives by hanging at home. Finally, an elderly man and a child hanged themselves in public spaces, one at an intersection and the other on a playground, in a gesture aimed at making their distress visible.
Geographically, the Bizerte governorate recorded three cases, followed by Tunis with two, then Gafsa and Kairouan, each with two cases. The remaining cases were reported in the Kasserine, Sfax, and Manouba governorates, with one case each.
Regarding the locations, six cases occurred at home, three in public spaces, two in schools, and one in prison.
The increase in the number of cases and suicide attempts indicates that a large part of the Tunisian population, both men and women, is under significant psychological pressure without access to an effective support system. Such actions often reflect depression, anxiety, a sense of powerlessness, or profound despair in the face of economic insecurity, unemployment, poverty, and social instability. This rise also reflects a loss of trust in the state, the absence of listening and psychological or social support structures, and the weakness of prevention policies. The Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights regularly highlights these shortcomings and calls for measures to ensure that the issue of suicide receives the necessary attention.
During November, acts of violence documented by the Tunisian Social Observatory team also highlighted a significant increase in violence in educational settings. Schools were the scene of numerous assaults, including attacks between students and the assault of a teacher with an iron bar. A dispute between two middle school students also resulted in the use of a knife. In a model institute in the Sousse governorate, a chaotic scene occurred, marked by stone-throwing.
In the regions of Jbal Jeloud and Fernana, the collapse of a classroom roof caused serious concern, although no students or staff were injured. At the same time, the Chatt Assalam College in the Gabès governorate continues to record cases of asphyxiation among students due to toxic gas leaks.
The documented acts of violence show that violent behavior has become part of everyday life and manifests in diverse forms. These range from verbal abuse, insults, and harassment to family and school violence, as well as physical assaults and even serious crimes affecting relatives, friends, or acquaintances. The data also show that violence is spreading in educational spaces, where assaults between students or against staff have become frequent. It extends to the family environment, which is supposed to provide protection but sometimes becomes a source of abuse. Meanwhile, public spaces are no longer perceived as safe due to the increase in assaults and criminal phenomena, such as snatch thefts, abductions, and sexual assaults.
New forms of violence related to digital developments have also emerged, including cyberviolence, online harassment, smear campaigns, and data privacy violations. The profiles of perpetrators show a strong male dominance: more than 91% of recorded aggressors were men. Approximately 7% of acts were committed by individuals of both sexes, while women accounted for only 2% of the perpetrators.
Regarding the victims, neither sex was spared from the documented acts of violence. Men represented about 51% of the victims, women 20%, and nearly 29% of incidents involved mixed violence affecting both sexes.
In the majority of observed cases, violence took on a criminal dimension. During November, protest-related violence also emerged as a form of expression in public spaces. In addition, incidents of environmental violence continued to be reported, generally in the context of protest movements related to environmental degradation or management.
Prisons also recorded several forms of aggression targeting inmates. Health facilities and hospitals, particularly in regional areas, experienced acts of violence against medical and paramedical staff, reflecting the persistence of a tense climate in these spaces.
The cases of violence recorded during November were distributed across the governorates of Tunis, Gabès, Nabeul, Kairouan, Medenine, Gafsa, Beja, Jendouba, Ariana, Kasserine, Mahdia, Bizerte, Siliana, and Sousse.
